It seems every few weeks or so we have this conversation about Black male athletes who violently abuse their White wives and girlfriends (from Mitch Lee to Corey Batey to OJ Simpson to Lawrence Phillips to Ruben Patterson to Ezekiel Elliott and others), and the fact that they are almost never held accountable, in any meaningful way, for their violent actions.
These are certainly not the first or only cases, but they shine a light on a perplexing phenomenon we have been observing, researching and writing about: the unconditional love of the Black male body – as long as he can throw, run, catch, dunk and score in an athletic contest, entertaining fans and making hundreds of millions of dollars for White coaches, owners and athletic administrators.There seems no better time to have this conversation again than now, on the heels of the recent college football bowl game season and on the eve of the SuperBowl, games that have or may involve athletes who have been accused of acts of violence against women.
During the last days of 2016 and the first days of 2017, several college football teams faced scrutiny for their protection of Black men accused of heinous crimes, including 12 football players at the University of Minnesota who are accused of gang-raping a White woman in October and a player at the University of Oklahoma, Joe Mixon, who is seen on video punching a White woman in the face, leaving her unconscious.
During the last few days of January 2017, six federal lawsuits have been filed against Baylor University where, since 2012, 32 football players have been accused of committing 52 rapes (5 were gang rapes involving 10 players raping one woman). At Baylor, most of the accused players are Black and all of the victims are White. Data from 2014reveal that of all NFL players arrested, 55% were arrested for intimate partner violence and another 38% were arrested for sexual violence, in other words 4 in 5 NFL players arrested between 2000 and 2014 were arrested for acts of violence against women. Continue reading “The Unconditional Love and Exploitation of the Black Male Athlete”→
In the next week, we will have crowned a new World Series Champion, thus ending the MLB season, NFL football is now in full gear, and both NHL hockey and NBA basketball are a few weeks into their seasons. If you’re one of the nearly 57 million people in the United States and Canada who play fantasy sports, it’s likely that your enjoyment of these events is accompanied by the excitement of drafting, monitoring, and competing with your fantasy sports team. But does this experience differ for men and women? Both men and women play fantasy sports, frequently competing against one another in a context in which the presumed physical differences between males and females are seemingly irrelevant, conditions that may make gender irrelevant as well. Yet, our research demonstrates that is not the case. Women are treated as outsiders and consequently challenge, to varying degrees and in varying and sometimes contradictory ways, how they are treated and perceived.
In fantasy sports, individuals build virtual sports teams comprised of real athletes who accumulate points based on their performance in actual games. The majority of participants compete in fantasy football, baseball, and basketball, although fantasy sports leagues exist for a wide range of sports. Although recent attention has been focused on daily fantasy sports, with some states moving to declare these activities illegal, the majority of players—and those that we focus on in our work—currently play in traditional fantasy sports leagues like that depicted in the popular FX series The League; this means they create and manage their teams over the course of an entire sports season and compete against other managers doing the same in a virtual league.
By Catherine Bolzendahl, Vanessa Kauffman, Jessica Broadfoot
Olympic fever has hit! As we all marvel at the power, precision, and grace of the athletes, a more disturbing commentary has also emerged, one that diminishes women athletes’ accomplishments, defines them by the men around them, places them in tired tropes of sex objects, or infantilizes them as “girls.” Some journalists, in combination with a robust social media discussion, are calling this bad behavior out. But should we be so surprised?
According to past research, no. In our work, we see this as a more pervasive issue, and women’s collegiate coaching is a prime example. When Title IX was enacted in 1972 approximately 90% of women’s teams were coached by women; in 2014 that number dropped to 43%. Women comprise only 23% of head coaching positions. Why are women coaches – especially of women’s teams – being left out? We talked to several women and men coaches of women’s and men’s teams and many of their own explanations suggest a view of fundamental and “natural” differences between men and women.(The data collection process involved in-depth interviews by the third author in the fall and winter of 2008 of 21 collegiate coaches from a single Division I University. The final sample was comprised of nine females, three of which were head coaches and six of which were assistants, and twelve males, made up of nine head coaches and three assistant coaches. The Division I University from which the interviews were obtained reflects the nationally skewed proportion of men and women coaches, particularly in regards to head coaching positions.) Continue reading “Coaching and Masculinity: a “natural” combination?”→
Cross-posted with permission from The Society Pages here.
In March 2016, the United States women’s national soccer team filed a wage discrimination complaint with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. According to the complaint, the U.S. women’s national team is paid less than their male counterparts, despite having the same work requirements. In fact, as the American women won the 2015 World Cup and returned home to ticker tape parades, media appearances, and sold out crowds, the team struggled with low compensation and access to the resources they had so clearly earned and deserved. The U.S. women’s team earned $2 million from FIFA in their World Cup win; the U.S. men’s team received $9 million for their 2014 World Cup performance, despite being eliminated in a very early round of the tournament.
By the end of May, the U.S. Senate had passed a unanimous resolution (S.Res.462) urging the United States Soccer Federation to “immediately eliminate gender pay inequity and treat all athletes with the same respect and dignity.” Around the same time, the women’s team asked a federal judge for permission to go on strike against the U.S. Soccer Federation, two months before the team’s scheduled appearance at the 2016 summer Olympic Games in Rio, Brazil. Their absence from the Olympics would be glaring and significant—not only for U.S. soccer, but for the Games.
This is not the first time the U.S. women’s soccer players have spoken out against unequal treatment. Last summer, in the lead up to the Women’s World Cup, several players complained to FIFA that the women’s games were scheduled on artificial turf, while the men’s games were scheduled on natural grass, the ideal surface for the game. The women also took issue with FIFA’s unequal distribution of prize money. Continue reading “Striking Goals for Pay and Prize Parity in Sport”→
As a new season opens for the National Women’s Soccer League, five of its star players, who are also members of the national team, are in the news after filing a federal wage discrimination complaint against U.S. Soccer. The five players – Carli Lloyd of the Houston Dash, Becky Sauerbrunn of Kansas City FC, Alex Morgan of the Orlando Pride, and Hope Solo and Megan Rapinoe of Seattle Reign – contend that they are paid a fraction of what players on the men’s team earn, even though they have had greater on-field success and drawn larger television audiences for their big matches. As a scholar of women’s soccer, Rachel Allison applauds these players’ campaign for greater pay equity. But she also notes that the fight for fair pay has to include their teammates in the NWSL, who take the field for poverty-level wages.
The National Women’s Soccer League (NWSL) begins its fourth season this coming weekend. With a new team, the Orlando Pride, starting this season, the expanded league will open play with ten clubs. Seattle Reign FC enters the season defending the NWSL Shield, having finished last year at the top of the league standings, while Kansas City FC looks to win the league playoffs for the third year in a row.
Though still a fledgling association, the NWSL will hit a longevity benchmark not enjoyed by either of its two predecessor leagues in women’s professional soccer. Both the Women’s United Soccer Association (WUSA, 2001-2003) and Women’s Professional Soccer (WPS, 2009-2012) each folded after three seasons. What has distinguished the NWSL’s operations is the involvement of soccer federations in the US, Canada, and Mexico, as well as Major League Soccer (MLS).
The season kicks off amid conflict between U.S. Soccer and the league’s star players who are members of the national team. National team players brought attention last year to unequal, unsafe field conditions, calling for elimination of the “grass ceiling.” More recently, players have turned to the issue of compensation. Within an ongoing legal dispute between U.S. Soccer and the player’s union, five well-known members of the national team filed a complaint of wage discrimination on March 31 with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. The hashtag #FairPlayFairPay summarizes their argument: women’s players on the national team are required to perform the same job, but for far less than their counterparts on the men’s side. The debate currently unfolding is whether U.S. Soccer, as a nonprofit organization, can take revenue into account in determining compensation for players on the men’s and women’s teams, and if so, how it does this. The likely outcome is a substantially improved compensation package for the women. Continue reading “Raising the Ceiling and the Floor: the fight for fair pay in women’s soccer”→
I’m sitting outside the Sun Valley Aquatics Center on a Friday evening, interviewing Cody, Jon, and Elijah, three nine and ten-year-old boys. Halfway through the interview, Jon runs to a bush about 20 yards away. A minute later, Cody also jumps up and tells us “I’m gonna go get Jon.” The two boys come back laughing. Cody stops laughing long enough to explain, “He farted! I got mad so he went over there [to fart again].” For the rest of the interview, the boys take turns leaving the interview to go visit what they call “the fart bush.”Continue reading “The Fart Bush: Conducting Group Interviews With Young Athletes”→