By Lauren Alfrey and France Winddance Twine
How do women negotiate male-dominated workplaces of the tech industry? In the February 2017 issue of Gender & Society, we address this question by building upon foundational work on occupational inequality. Inspired by Joan Acker’s concept of inequality regimes, we offer the first qualitative study and intersectional analysis of women tech workers from a wide range of backgrounds. We show how race, class privilege and gender expression shapes the occupational experiences of “geek girls.”
In our interviews with 50 men and women employed in a variety of positions in the San Francisco tech industry, we discovered that the gender-fluid, LGBTQ, White and Asian female workers reported a greater sense of belonging among male co-workers when compared to heterosexual women. In contrast to the gender conventional women in our sample, they were perceived as “one of the guys.” However, the gender-fluid Black LGBTQ women we interviewed did not experience the same inclusion or degree of belonging. Neither did conventionally heterosexual White and Asian women, who, like the Black women, also described routine micro-aggressions and sexist interactions that undermined their ability to be seen as competent equals in their workplace.
We argue that this represents a racialized and gendered spectrum of belonging—the dynamic forms of inclusion and exclusion that women experience according to their race, sexuality, and gender presentation. In occupational cultures where masculinity and hetero-normativity are the norm, fluid gender expression provides some women with conditional acceptance. Continue reading “Thinking beyond gender: Why does sexuality and race matter in the tech industry?”
By Yasemin Besen-Cassino
The gender wage gap is among the most persistent problems of labor markets and women’s lives and many scholars have approached this problem from different perspectives. Human capital approach focuses on individual characteristics and explains the gender wage gap through differences such as education, skills, training and job experience. It mostly focuses on the domestic and maternal duties of women, and argues that women are more likely to take time off for childcare and parental leave, causing interruptions in their resumes resulting in less human capital. In addition, they are less likely to invest in their own human capital resulting in lower pay. Another view the occupational segregation approach, focuses on occupational differences argues that men and women are paid differently, not because of their individual characteristics, but because they work in different sectors, occupations and positions. Occupations that predominantly employ women are considered to be “women’s jobs,” and pay much less as a result. Despite the differences in perspective, nearly every study on the wage gap shares one thing in common: they focus on the adult labor force. However, almost every teenager works sometime throughout their high school years. Therefore, the work experience- and potentially the wage gap- start much before the completion of formal education and onset of full time work. Continue reading “Origins of the Gender Wage Gap: Part-Time Teenage Labor and Gender Inequality”
By Kumiko Nemoto
Yuriko Koike, a former Japanese defense minister, became the first woman elected governor of Tokyo. The recent New York Times article “Breaking Japan’s Glass Ceiling, but Leaving Some Feminists Unconvinced” reported that voting for her, regardless of one’s political views, would be a revolutionary act because there are few women at the top in Japan. However, the article also noted that some Japanese feminists have expressed disagreement with Koike because of her conservatism.
In the election, some Japanese feminists opposed Koike for her conservatism and for being a right-wing militarist, and instead explicitly supported the male candidate, Shintaro Torigoe, who lacked an effective campaign and ironically struggled with an allegation of sexual assault by a female college student. Some also believe that Koike lacks enthusiasm about improving women’s social status. A subset of feminists in Japan also tend to be more concerned about issues confronting working-class women than those facing women in high positions.
Koike is known to be a core member of, or has had deep ties to, the nationalistic right-wing cult Nippon Kaigi (or Japan Conference), which has 38,000 members and is said to have, among its aims, the restoration of the status of the emperor; keeping women in the home; reducing Western notions of rights and equality; beefing up the military; removing the pacifist section from the Constitution; rewriting textbooks to follow a right-wing agenda; and rejecting Japan’s war crimes and sexual slavery comfort women. However, little is known about the group’s actual activities and degree of political influence. Continue reading “Tokyo’s First Female Governor and Japan’s Glass Ceiling”
By Christine E. Bose
When demographers make cross-national comparisons about gender inequality, they often develop just one summary score for each nation. Such measures incorporate several types of inequalities—e.g., income, education, health, or political rights—into that score. For example, Iceland ranked 1st, the United States 23rd, and Pakistan last (135th) among the countries included in the Global Gender Gap Index (World Economic Forum 2013). On the plus side, feminist activists and policy-makers use low scores to prod their governments into improving women’s status and rights. On the negative side, this blending of many inequalities into one score helps create false impressions about other nations. The data above suggests that Iceland is terrific on all types of gender inequality and that Pakistan is terrible. But in reality different issues related to gender inequality occur in these two nations and women of varying race, ethnic, or class origins living there also diversely experience gender inequality.
Popular perception suggests that the most significant gender inequality differences occur between nations of the Global North and Global South. This is partly true: The two regions are statistically different in the degree to which their social institutions, political-economic structures, and inequality outcomes are gendered. But this dichotomy also is inaccurate: It treats Global South nations as if they all follow a single gender inequality regime—while in reality they are more varied due to the mixture of developing and industrial national economies included. Indeed, some Global South nations are similar to the North. For example, the women-to-men literacy ratio is 1.00 in North American and .99 in Latin America and the Caribbean; while the women-to-men labor force participation rate is .89 in North America and .85 in Sub-Saharan Africa. Continue reading “Patterns of Global Gender Inequalities and Regional Gender Regimes”