Satire as Protest in the Women’s March

By Kristen Barber

As we walked down Market Street to the St. Louis Gateway Arch, I saw an orange, oversized paper mâché head pass by. With light rings painted around the eyes and a large swath of yellow felt for hair, it was unmistakably a representation of the now-President, Donald Trump. A ball gag was strapped tight across his mouth and a sign below his tiny black business suit read, “Putin’s Little Bitch.” The artist-activist of this sculpture drew attention to public worries about Trump’s amicable—although long denied—relationship with Russia. For a march organized around the rejection of an elected head of state, these images of bondage and submissiveness and the use of misogynistic language questioned Trump’s presidency—and his masculinity.

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Rendering of Trump on display at the St. Louis Women’s March. Photo by: Kristen Barber.

This paper mâché Trump received a lot of attention on the morning of January 21st, as thousands of people came together downtown for the Women’s March. Many were there objecting to Trump’s proposals around limiting women’s access to abortion and birth control, as well as his “hot mic” remarks about grabbing women “by the pussy.” Protesters criticized how this language reflects men’s entitlement to women’s bodies and questioned whether a man who marginalizes sexual assault rhetoric as “locker room talk” can actually work in the interest of women. Three days later, Trump, surrounded by a group of white men in the oval office, signed an executive gag order to keep international health organizations from counseling women on abortions—an order that will likely increase global maternal mortality rates. Continue reading “Satire as Protest in the Women’s March”

Where do “women of color” fit in movements?

By Zakiya Luna

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Artist: Valentin Brown

When you hear the phrase “women of color,” who do you imagine? In my research on a women-of-color reproductive justice coalition I noticed the many ways speakers at events I attended used the phrase “women of color,” assuming that the audience understood what they meant.

There is a small, but robust literature of the ways that racial minority women have engaged with white-dominated feminist movements and male-dominated nationalist movements (Falcon 2016, Roth 2004, Thompson 2002). Thus, I was surprised to find little empirical analysis on the promises and perils of women of color coming together across their differences. At the individual, organizational and movement level, identities, such as “woman of color,” are being negotiated. My research finds this is the case even within spaces specifically designated by and for “women of color” who are seeking a space that provides refuge from other movements.  This is important because these organizations negotiate providing a space for their members to feel comfortable, while also making practical tactical decision that may not fit neatly with longer-term goals of inclusivity. To sum up my findings, becoming “women of color” is a continual process, not a fixed accomplishment that sometime emphasizes commonalities and other times emphasizes difference.

Future research could consider other places seemingly emphasizing intersectionality and how debates about “women of color” inform these processes whether in social movements or the elsewhere. For example, as difficult as social movement actors find integrating intersectional analysis and challenge to power dynamics into their work, attempts to do so in the formal political process are fraught due to pressure to conceptualize minority groups in binary terms  and advocate for relatively advantaged groups. Future research may examine possibilities for mobilization of women of color in formal politics. Other research may consider strategies found in other sites that emphasize “women of color” such as retention programs at educational institutions, social organizations, and even federal health agencies. Continue reading “Where do “women of color” fit in movements?”