Gender & Society in the Classroom: Culture
Organized by: Lucia Lykke, University of Maryland – College Park
Updated by: Jenny Lendrum, Wayne State University
Culture is a broad term, and Gender & Society offers a variety of approaches and discussions on the subject. Gender & Society articles include: Cultural representations of gender, race, and sexuality; cultural norms and expectations; cross-cultural perspectives and non-Western cultures; and cultures/subcultures. This guide contains a selection of articles that deal with culture in each of these ways. Articles are organized in reverse chronological order.
Hooking up is a term commonly used in contemporary American society to refer to sexual activity between two people who are not in a committed romantic relationship. Data show that although many college students are engaging in hookups, there is no consensus on how to define a hookup. The author uses the concept of “strategic ambiguity” to explore the intentionality and usefulness of the vagueness of this term. Specific to hookups, strategic ambiguity is when individuals use the term “hookup” to describe their sexual activities rather than give details about their sexual activities as an impression management strategy to protect their sexual and social identities. Analyzing data gathered through interviews with heterosexual students at a mid-sized public university in the South, this article addresses the normative character and the myriad definitions of hookups; addresses the underlying heterosexist bias in the definitions of hookups; and analyzes how the ambiguity of the term “hookup” serves women and men in different ways and both reinforces and challenges the current gender order, allowing men to conform to and preserve components of hegemonic masculinity and women to conform to and preserve components of emphasized femininity.
Fashion design is a feminized occupation, but there is a widespread perception that gay male designers are advantaged in receiving awards, publicity, and praise. This article develops the notion of a “glass runway” to explain this inequality. First, using design canons and lists of award recipients, I show that men, especially gay men, receive more consecration than women. Second, I show how men and women are consecrated differently by analyzing the content of 157 entries in Voguepedia’s design canon and 96 fashion media articles. Attributions of value and legitimacy construct a gendered image of the ideal fashion designer through discourses of art and culture that reinforce essentialist ideas about gender difference. Because cultural value is ambiguous, processes of valorization are shaped by gender essentialism, pushing male cultural producers down the glass runway and into the spotlight of fame, consecration, and legitimation. Finally, the case of fashion design offers insights into how intersecting inequalities can shape the glass runway. Gay designers experience both valorization and discrimination from intersections of gender and sexuality.
This article uses a comparative-case research design of two different national beauty pageants in Nigeria to ask how and why gendered nationalisms are constructed for different audiences and aims. Both contests claim to represent “true Nigerian womanhood” yet craft separate models of idealized femininity and present different nationalist agendas. I argue that these differences stem from two distinct representations of gendered national identities. The first pageant, “Queen Nigeria,” whose winners do not compete outside of Nigeria, brands itself as a Nigerian-based pageant, centered on a cultural-nationalist ideal, which is focused on revitalizing and appreciating Nigerian culture to unify the nation. In contrast, the second contest, “The Most Beautiful Girl in Nigeria,” utilizes “international standards” to select and send contestants to Miss World and Miss Universe, the top pageants in the world, and promotes a cosmopolitan-nationalist ideal, which remains concentrated on propelling and integrating Nigeria into the international arena.
Milkie interviews editors at two national girls’ magazines to discover how these cultural gatekeepers respond to critiques that the magazines present inauthentic images of girls. Media sources tend to narrowly define femininity and female beauty, and both the producers and the consumers of media struggle with and contest these representations. Milkie seeks to understand how the people with the power to create culture – magazine editors – negotiate representations of femininity and female beauty. Milkie finds that girls’ magazine editors agree with their readers criticisms of how girls are presented in the magazines, but claim that it is beyond their control to change the images due to the influence of the art world, the influence of advertisers, or the influence of the culture at large. Simultaneously, however, editors delegitimize girls’ critiques of magazine images, claiming that girls are not properly interpreting the images.
Emerson analyzes the representations of Black women in rap and hip-hop music videos, buliding on previous research that focused either on misogynistic representations of Black women in music culture, or on women’s agency as performers. Emerson uses 56 music videos featuring Black women performers (as lead singers, rappers, or guest performers — background dancers and singers were not included), played on TV in 1998. Emerson found several themes in the videos’ representations of Black women: The videos emphasized Black women’s bodies; Black women are presented as one-dimensional being, youthful “eye candy” for men; Black women in videos were presented under the guidance of a male artist or sponsor. Despite these oppressive themes, Emerson also found evidence of Black women’s resistance and agency in the videos. Black women positively identified with Black culture and aesthetics, asserted autonomy and independence, and expressed partnership or collaboration with other Blacks. Emerson concludes with a discussion on the ambivalent and contradictory nature of Black women’s relationship to Black popular culture.
Yodanis explores the relationship between marital equality and divorce culture. In a divorce culture, marriage is seen as optional and conditional, with divorce a viable option if the marriage doesn’t work out. Yodanis compares data across 22 countries from the International Social Survey Programme. The U.S. was found to have the strongest divorce culture. Yodanis concludes that strong divorce culture is related to greater gender equality in marriages. This relationship is more salient when divorce culture is considered at a national level, rather than an individual level. Yodanis argues that the study indicates the complexity of growing divorce culture, in which aspects of divorce culture, such as more progressive gender ideology, may be positive.
Richards analyzes media representations of Mapuche women in Chilean print media from 1997 to 2003 in order to see how racialized and gendered nationalist assumptions are perpetuated in media sources. The Mapuche are an indigenous group that is engaged in struggles for land and cultural preservation in southern Chile. Richards uncovered three archetypal portrayals of Mapuche women in the media sources. First, mujeres bravas, or fierce women, who fight for Mapuche rights and simultaneously evokes awe and reprimands from media sources. Richards argues that bravas serve to differentiate Mapuche women from “normal” Chilean women. Second, mujeres permitidas are represented in a positive light by media sources and reflect an international trend of acceptance of multiculturalism. Third, mujeres obsoletas, older Mapuche women, represent the cultural assumption that Mapuche culture is doomed to disappear.
Ridgeway presents a theoretical argument for recognizing gender as a primary cultural frame that shapes social relations. Gender operates as a primary frame in that it provides necessary shared cultural knowledge that allows us to categorize ourselves and others and act accordingly. These cultural beliefs about gender are institutionalized in media, law and policy, and organizational practices, and shape individual behaviors and judgment. Ridgeway provides two examples of how gender acts as a background frame. First, she discusses small high-tech firms, comparing the experiences of women scientists in life science firms vs. engineering/physical science firms, finding that women in life science firms with flexible structures are less disadvantaged because life sciences are not as strongly gender-typed as engineering/physical sciences, and because women are able to perform better in organizations without rigid hierarchical structures. Second, Ridgeway draws on research that shows that men and women in more affluent societies that place value on self-expression tend to rely on cultural beliefs about gender when choosing occupations. For example, more affluent societies have greater disparity between boys’ and girls’ expressed affinity for math.
Hills’ essay examines cultural constructions of Black womanhood that focus on strength, motherhood, and big bodies. Hill argues that while these images arose as a means of distinguishing the experiences of Black women from cultural constructions of white femininity, the images simply invert derogatory images of Black women: for example, the “Mammy” becomes a focus on motherhood that may foster teen pregnancies. Further, Hill argues that these cultural images are based on the experiences of the poorest and least powerful Black women and have negative consequences for Black women’s health and well-being, mandating that Black women enact their “strength” to survive in situations of great hardship and exploitation and that Black female beauty include acceptance of obesity.
Hamilton and Armstrong follow a group of college women through their heterosexual dating experiences in order to examine the U.S. college culture and the role of “hooking up” (casual sexual encounters). Hamilton and Armstrong focus on the ways in which gender and class structure college women’s sexuality. Hamilton and Armstrong find that although women would prefer to be in relations, the “hook up” has come to dominate college culture and is preferred by college men. The women in the study found themselves subjected to a sexual double standard and felt the need to employ strategies to keep themselves safe from sexually aggressive men at parties. Middle-class college women found that their personal expectations and the college sexual culture meshed; however, lower or working class college women found the college sexual culture to be foreign and alienating.
This study examines how men and women “do gender” in Western “foodie” culture, in which people are passionate about eating and learning about “good food.” While food is more traditionally considered part of the female domain, foodie culture seems to appeal to both men and women. The researchers interview 30 foodies across the U.S., finding that foodies consider food culture to be central to their identities. The researchers find instances of both gender reproduction and gender resistance in foodie culture. For example, in participating in foodie culture, women found it difficult to balance their own pleasure in food consumption and knowledge with the cultural expectation of performing care work for others, while men found the discourse of foodie culture to be more compatible with cultural expectations for men.
McCabe, Janice, Fairchild, Emily, Grauerholz, Liz, Pescosolido, Bernice A., and Tope, Daniel. 2011. Gender in twentieth century children’s books: Patterns of disparity in titles and central characters. Gender & Society 25(2): 197-226.
This study examines the cultural representation of male and female characters in children’s books. The authors track the prevalence of male and female title characters and central characters in over 5,000 children’s books from the twentieth century. The authors find that male characters are represented in titles almost twice as often as female characters and are 1.6 times more likely to be central characters, pointing to symbolic annihilation of women and girls in children’s literature. The authors also draw a connection between representation of women and girls in children’s books and social change throughout the twentieth century, noting that female characters were least represented in the time period between the first and second wave of the women’s movement, 1930’s to the 1960’s.
This article contributes to a growing conversation about the role of numbers in promoting gendered agendas in potentially contradictory ways. Drawing from interviews with gender advisors—the professionals tasked with mainstreaming gender in development projects—in an East African country, I begin from the paradox that gender advisors articulate a strong preference for qualitative data to best capture the lives of the women they aim to assist while voicing a need for quantitative metrics. I demonstrate that (women) gender advisors come to imagine metrics as expeditious bureaucratic tools able to inspire cooperation from otherwise reluctant (men) coworkers. I argue that development organizations are gendered in ways—acutely seen in how advisors struggle, are sidelined, and attempt to advance their goals with numbers—that lead to the utility of valuing quantitative metrics over qualitative ones. I establish two theoretical contributions: (1) Gendered organizations theory is essential to understanding the adoption and globalization of performance metrics, and (2) in an age of evidence-based decision making, the utility of quantified data to garner resources is heightened, rewarding those who adopt quantified knowledge production. I coin the term “the paradox of quantified utility” to describe how these material advantages encourage even skeptics to value quantitative metrics.
We examine change across U.S. cohorts born between 1920 and 2000 in their probability of having had sex with same-sex partners in the last year and since age 18. Using data from the 1988–2018 General Social Surveys, we explore how trends differ by gender, race, and class background. We find steep increases across birth cohorts in the proportion of women who have had sex with both men and women since age 18, whereas increases for men are less steep. We suggest that the trends reflect an increasingly accepting social climate, and that women’s steeper trend is rooted in a long-term asymmetry in gender change, in which nonconformity to gender norms is more acceptable for women than men. We also find evidence that, among men, the increase in having had sex with both men and women was steeper for black than for white men, and for men of lower socioeconomic status; we speculate that the rise of mass incarceration among less privileged men may have influenced this trend.
Prior studies note that gender- and race-based discrimination routinely inhibit women’s advancement in medical fields. Yet few studies have examined how gendered displays of deference and demeanor are interpreted by college-educated and professional Latinas/os who are making inroads into prestigious and masculinized nontraditional fields such as medicine. In this article, we elucidate how gender shapes perceptions of authority and competence among the same pan-ethnic group, and we use deference and demeanor as an analytical tool to examine these processes. Our analysis underscores three main points of difference: (1) gendered cultural taxation; (2) microaggressions from women nurses and staff and; (3) the questioning of authority and competence to elucidate how gendered racism manifests for Latina/o doctors. Taking demonstrations of gendered deference and demeanors are vital to transforming medical schools and creating more inclusive spaces for all physicians and patients. Conclusions are based on experiences reported in interviews with 48 Latina/o physicians and observation in their places of work in Southern California.
This article, based on original research from 57 villages in four provinces from North and East India, sheds light on a hitherto unexplored gendered impact of colorism in facilitating noncustomary cross-region marriage migrations in India. Within socioeconomically marginalized groups from India’s development peripheries, the hegemonic construct of fairness as “capital” conjoins with both regressive patriarchal gender norms governing marriage and female sexuality and the monetization of social relations, through dowry, to foreclose local marriage options for darker-hued women. This dispossession of matrimonial choice forces women to “voluntarily” accept marriage proposals from North Indian bachelors, who are themselves faced with a bride shortage in their own regions due to skewed sex ratios. These marriages condemn cross-region brides to new forms of gender subordination and skin-tone discrimination within the intimacy of their marriages, and in everyday relations with conjugal families, kin, and rural communities. Because of colorism, cross-region brides are exposed to caste-discriminatory exclusions and ethnocentric prejudice. Dark-skin shaming is a strategic ideological weapon employed to extract more labor from them. The article extends global scholarly discussion on the role of colorism in articulating new forms of gendered violence in dark-complexioned, poor rural women’s lives.
We provide a qualitative analysis of resistance to calls for gender-neutral language. We analyzed more than 900 comments responding to two essays—one on AlterNet and another on Vox posted to the Vox editor’s Facebook page—that critiqued a pervasive male-based generic, “you guys.” Five rhetorics of resistance are discussed: appeals to origins, appeals to linguistic authority, appeals to aesthetics, appeals to intentionality and inclusivity, and appeals to women and feminist authorities. These rhetorics justified “you guys” as a nonsexist term, thereby allowing commenters to continue using it without compromising their moral identities as liberals or feminists. In addition to resisting an analysis that linked their use of “you guys” to social harms, commenters positioned the authors who called for true generics as unreasonable, divisive, and authoritarian. We conclude with suggestions for how feminists can challenge the status quo and promote social change.