Gender & Society in the Classroom: Intersectionality
Organized by: Kyla Walters, University of Massachusetts Amherst
Updated by: Linda Gjokaj, Oakland University
Intersectional feminist scholarship moves beyond issues solely focusing on gender and sexuality in order to address the complex realities that we embody and experience. Race, ethnicity, class, nationality, age, ability, and other dimensions of difference or social locators do not exist apart from gender and sexuality. Instead, these aspects of individual identity, interpersonal relationships, social institutions, policies, politics, and cultures intersect to form myriad experiences and power arrangements. In pursuit of greater understanding of multiple perspectives and increased social equality, we must examine the most salient social locations in a given case or study.
This interesting piece by Flippen uses the intersectionality framework to examine how legal status, labor market position and family shape the labor supply of Latinas in Durham, North Carolina, which is a new immigrant destination. The author uses data from a local, representative survey of Latino immigrants and interviews in Durham/Chapel Hill metro area. The initial survey, conducted between 2001 and 2002, included 209 women between the ages of 18 and 49. In 2006 and 2007, an additional 910 were interviewed, for a total sample size of 1,119 women. The author shows, for instance, that Latina women’s position in the economy constrains their labor supply. For example, human capital (e.g., education) does not translate into significant gains in labor market participation. English language skills and time work better at shaping whether women work and work full-time. However, legal status and family status are disadvantage for immigrant Latina’s labor market experiences. This is a good article to introduce to students because legal status and national origin seem to be an important piece in the intersections framework, and this study also cuts across other important arenas – family and work, and transnationalism.
Lépinard applies the intersectionality framework to women’s rights organizations, looking to see if and how this concept has been adopted by various women’s rights organizations. Doing qualitative and quantitative data analysis, the author draws from interview data with activists working in various women’s rights organizations in France and Canada. The author demonstrates how intersectionality is used and understood by these organizations (how they fail and succeed with the intersectional challenges), which she calls repertoires, as a way to understand the social experience and the political interests of women in various intersectional positionalities. There are also national differences across France and Canada that bring in notions of citizenship and immigration. This is a great piece for addressing issues in social movements and academic versus activist understandings of concepts relevant to both groups.
Women civil rights and anti-apartheid activists endured and organized against multiple forms of oppression within the broader social movements in their respective countries. Bahati compares primary and secondary sources from antiracist movements in the US and South Africa. In using a gendered lens of racial justice and liberation social movements, the author examines the structural and ideological ways gender intersects with race and class to shape activist opportunities, experiences, and outcomes. African/Black women occupy unique social locations in society, shaping their experiences and their perspective of oppressive systems. It follows that these women of color also occupy unique and important positions within social movement organizations that dominant narratives often overlook.
Moller’s quantitative analysis measures black-white racial disparities in welfare generosity single-mother families received in the continental U.S. This study looks at amounts of welfare given to single-mothers at three intersections of the U.S. welfare state: 1970, 1980, and 1990. The U.S. welfare system is split into two basic tiers, a system subject to much feminist and class-based sociological critique. Moller moves these critiques forward in two important ways. Firstly, she looks at the American Families with Dependent Children Act (a second-tier welfare program) payments to single-mother families using quantitative measures. Secondly, she asks how welfare policies play out in patriarchal ways with intersections of racism and classism, showing that gender, race, and class locations converge to form different treatment for black mothers and for white mothers. Findings show that single-mother families received uneven support from welfare programs across the three time periods. White single mothers enjoyed higher levels of welfare support than black single mothers. These findings support previous arguments that state policies institutionalize racism and perpetuate white privilege.
Kang’s ethnographic study of six New York City Korean-owned nail salons provides insight into the intersections of gendered beauty service work, race, and class. Building on Arlie Hochschild’s (1983) concept of emotional labor in service work, Kang conceptualizes how service workers not only perform certain kinds of emotions and feelings for customers but also how workers perform body labor. Body labor, a concept broken down into three types, connects gendered work to racial and class aspects of physical and emotional services customers expect and receive. Nail salon workers touch and talk to clients as part of their job. But the types and amounts of these physical and emotional interactions and services vary by the luxuriousness of the salon and the class and racial status of regular customers. The differences between high-service body labor, expressive body labor, and routinized body labor reinforce structural and ideological notions of differences between women.
Using U.S. census data, Duffy identifies and examines two different conceptualizations of care work from an intersectional perspective. The way we define care work shapes how apparent and problematic we understand the racial and class inequalities within this labor force. Care work’s central characteristic is the dependency of care receivers (like children, disabled people, the elderly). The nurturance conceptualization of care work focuses on the emotional and relational aspects of the work. The reproductive labor framework considers the service activities of care work as well as the emotional and relational aspects emphasized in the nurturance conceptualization. Duffy traces the historical evidence of racial divisions of reproductive labor, which include occupations in the service sector. The expansion of reproductive labor to include service sector occupations allows us to see the racial stratification of these forms of labor, which are largely performed by working-class black women. Findings suggest that using the nurturance conceptualization of care work excludes large numbers of black and poor women.
Andersen provides a thorough overview of feminist sociology, advocating for an incorporation of power, historical, and structural analyses in studies of gender and sexuality. Gender and sexuality, however, cannot and should not be extracted from the web of social locations (or flavors or whatever metaphor you prefer) in which they exist. This intersectional view understands gender as a piece of larger puzzles of social realities including race, class, sexuality, and nationality. This theoretical perspective allows us to conceptualize how gender (and other locators) shape symbols, interactions, structures, and other social phenomena. This article analyzes central debates in feminist sociology, giving helpful background information alongside detailed critiques. These key focuses of feminist scholarship include structure and agency, power, sexuality, intersectionality, and inequality. Everyday realities, privileges, hardships as well as diverse experiences and practices form a social world chock full of complexities for us to examine.
Using ethnographic fieldwork collected in three urban Chinese retail settings and interviews with various service workers and retailers, Hanser explores how naturalized meanings or essentialized discourses of gender connote class distinctions on the sales floor. Grounded in historical and political understandings of Chinese gender, class, and service work, this article reveals how local ideals of femininity and sexual identity embody class status in retail work. Store managers seek and hire less sexualized, young, attractive women as service workers in luxury, privately owned stores. Their youthful bodies and nonthreatening, helpful dispositions help form a commercialized space that upper-class clientele find appealing and appropriate. Middle-aged, desexualized women work in state-owned retail stores. These women perform a femininity fitting with a pre-cultural reform socialist ideology valuing hard work (not youthfulness and attractiveness). Lastly, Hanser finds hyper-sexualized, less educated, young, attractive women working in the least prestigious retail markets. These women perform a lower-class coded femininity as they embody sexual and moral deviance and lack cultural capital to secure sales positions in luxurious stores. Importantly, Hanser connects gender and sexuality with class meanings as well as the service managers’ organizational practices producing social inequalities among female bodies in the post-Mao service sector.
This article examines parental coping strategies with child sexual abuse using interviews with a racially and socioeconomically diverse sample of 60 parents. McGuffey finds that mother-blame is a consistent strategy parents employ to cope with the trauma ensuing their child’s sexual abuse. Mother-blaming involves reinforcing traditional gendered family dynamics, like women being primary caregivers and remaining outside of the paid labor force. Homophobic reactions are discussed in relation to normative performances of masculinity. The authors points out the ways race, class, and gender shape parental responses to child sexual abuse, noting that race and class shape familial expectations, makeup, and larger structural forces around the family. Women are negatively affected with gender reaffirming coping strategies.
Building on the “glass escalator” concept of how men tokens enjoy advantages in women-dominated occupations, Harvey Wingfield argues that black men do not enjoy the same ride as their white counterparts. The author examines racialized aspects of the gendered mechanisms that move white men upward in traditionally female occupations that mitigate these effects for black men. These “glass barriers” include racist stereotypes about black men, acts of blatant discrimination, and white supremacist perceptions of occupation suitability. Another glass barrier involves black men as unwilling to dissociate from feminized aspects of their occupation, which points to a caring self that men of color adapt as a tactic to combat racial inequality and reject white hegemonic masculinity. These findings suggest efforts to promote equality in the workplace should combine undoing gender by blurring the boundaries between femininity and masculinity with upsetting systems of racial inequality that marginalize men of color.
In a symposium on the work of Patricia Hill Collins, Bose describes global approaches to intersectional scholarship. Intersectional research plays an important role in social policy worldwide, particularly useful because this lens does not pit oppressions against one another. Scholars may choose from a variety of interpretations of what intersectionality is and how to employ it methodologically. Bose discusses group-centered, process-centered, and system-centered practices of intersectionality. She argues that researchers can amend a system-centered approach to study salient intersecting inequalities within and across nations.
This article, based on original research from 57 villages in four provinces from North and East India, sheds light on a hitherto unexplored gendered impact of colorism in facilitating noncustomary cross-region marriage migrations in India. Within socioeconomically marginalized groups from India’s development peripheries, the hegemonic construct of fairness as “capital” conjoins with both regressive patriarchal gender norms governing marriage and female sexuality and the monetization of social relations, through dowry, to foreclose local marriage options for darker-hued women. This dispossession of matrimonial choice forces women to “voluntarily” accept marriage proposals from North Indian bachelors, who are themselves faced with a bride shortage in their own regions due to skewed sex ratios. These marriages condemn cross-region brides to new forms of gender subordination and skin-tone discrimination within the intimacy of their marriages, and in everyday relations with conjugal families, kin, and rural communities. Because of colorism, cross-region brides are exposed to caste-discriminatory exclusions and ethnocentric prejudice. Dark-skin shaming is a strategic ideological weapon employed to extract more labor from them. The article extends global scholarly discussion on the role of colorism in articulating new forms of gendered violence in dark-complexioned, poor rural women’s lives.
Our study highlights specific ways in which race and gender create inequality in the workplace. Using in-depth interviews with 67 biology PhD students, we show how engagement with research and service varies by both gender and race. By considering the intersection between gender and race, we find not only that women biology graduate students do more service than men, but also that racial and ethnic minority men do more service than white men. White men benefit from a combination of racial and gender privilege, which places them in the most advantaged position with respect to protected research time and opportunities to build collaborations and networks beyond their labs. Racial/ethnic minority women emerge as uniquely disadvantaged in terms of their experiences relative to other groups. These findings illuminate how gendered organizations are also racialized, producing distinct experiences for women and men from different racial groups, and thus contribute to theorizing the intersectional nature of inequality in the workplace.
We examine change across U.S. cohorts born between 1920 and 2000 in their probability of having had sex with same-sex partners in the last year and since age 18. Using data from the 1988–2018 General Social Surveys, we explore how trends differ by gender, race, and class background. We find steep increases across birth cohorts in the proportion of women who have had sex with both men and women since age 18, whereas increases for men are less steep. We suggest that the trends reflect an increasingly accepting social climate, and that women’s steeper trend is rooted in a long-term asymmetry in gender change, in which nonconformity to gender norms is more acceptable for women than men. We also find evidence that, among men, the increase in having had sex with both men and women was steeper for black than for white men, and for men of lower socioeconomic status; we speculate that the rise of mass incarceration among less privileged men may have influenced this trend.
Scholars have identified policing and hyper-incarceration as key mechanisms to reproduce racial inequality and poverty. Existing research, however, often overlooks how policing practices impact gender and sexuality, especially expansive expressions of gender and non-heterosexuality. This lack of attention is critical because lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) people disproportionately experience incarceration, including LGBTQ youth who are disproportionately incarcerated in juvenile detention. In this article, I draw on 18 months of ethnographic fieldwork and 40 in-depth interviews with LGBTQ youth experiencing homelessness to address this gap in the literature by documenting how police and other agents of the state use their discretion to regulate youth’s gender expressions, identities, and sex lives. I posit that current policing patterns of discrimination operate primarily not through de jure discrimination against LGBTQ people but as de facto discrimination based on discretionary hyper-incarceration practices that police gender, sexuality, and LGBTQ people. I contend that policing is not only about maintaining racial inequality and governing poverty but also about controlling and regulating gender and sexuality, especially the gender and sexuality of poor LGBTQ people of color.
Prior studies note that gender- and race-based discrimination routinely inhibit women’s advancement in medical fields. Yet few studies have examined how gendered displays of deference and demeanor are interpreted by college-educated and professional Latinas/os who are making inroads into prestigious and masculinized nontraditional fields such as medicine. In this article, we elucidate how gender shapes perceptions of authority and competence among the same pan-ethnic group, and we use deference and demeanor as an analytical tool to examine these processes. Our analysis underscores three main points of difference: (1) gendered cultural taxation; (2) microaggressions from women nurses and staff and; (3) the questioning of authority and competence to elucidate how gendered racism manifests for Latina/o doctors. Taking demonstrations of gendered deference and demeanors are vital to transforming medical schools and creating more inclusive spaces for all physicians and patients. Conclusions are based on experiences reported in interviews with 48 Latina/o physicians and observation in their places of work in Southern California.
On the basis of a case study of the integration of Haredi Jewish women into the Israeli high-tech industry, we explore how gender–religiosity intersectionality affects ultra-conservative women’s participation in the labor market and their ability to negotiate with employers for corporate work–family practices that address their idiosyncratic requirements. We highlight the importance of pious women’s affiliation to their highly organized religious communities while taking a process-centered approach to intersectionality and focusing on the matrix of domination formed by the Israeli state, employers, and the organized ultra-orthodox community. We dub this set of actors “the unholy-trinity” and argue that it constructs a specific, religion-centric inequality regime that restrains women’s job and earning opportunities. At the same time, the “unholy trinity” also empowers women in their struggle to create a working environment that is receptive to their religiosity and what that commitment demands of them.
In this article, I investigate how gendered nationalism is articulated through everyday practices in relation to immigrant integration policy and the intersectional production of inequality in South Korea. By using ethnographic data collected at community centers created to implement national “multicultural” policy, I examine the individual perspectives and experiences of Korean staff and targeted recipients (marriage migrants). To defend their own “native” privileges, the Korean staff stressed the gendered caretaking roles of marriage migrants and their contribution to the nation as justification for state support. The migrants, while critical of the familial responsibilities imposed on them in Korea, underscored their gendered value to the nation (as mothers to “Korean” children) to offset their subjugated position. The diverging perspectives of the two groups are informed by “everyday” nationalism, generated through constantly gendered terms and effects. Bringing together the literature on nationalism and migration through a focus on reproductive labor, I expose how national boundaries are drawn through quotidian practices of gendered nationalism, with significant implications for gender and ethnic hierarchies.